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R.I.P. We Are Extremely Sad To Report About Death Of Brandy Norwood’ Beloved Co-Star.
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Deaths – TLC Africa 2
TLC Africa 2. The Liberian Connection – Africa (1996 – 2022). Primary Menu. Home · Africa · Articles · Books · Jobs · Deaths · News Links · Photos.
Source: tlcafrica1.com
Date Published: 3/24/2021
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TLC Africa www.tlcafrica2.com – Posts | Facebook
TLC Africa www.tlcafrica2.com, Monrovia, Liberia. … Funeral service of the late TOGBA G NAGANGANA Held at the All Saints Lutheran Church Schiefin Township …
Source: business.facebook.com
Date Published: 8/10/2022
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Liberia: Former Interim President, Dr. Amos Sawyer Has Died
In a brief statement released to FrontPage Africa in Monrovia on Tuesday … Beyond Plunder: Toward Democratic Governance in Liberia (2005), …
Source: frontpageafricaonline.com
Date Published: 11/5/2022
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Liberia: Is that Emmanuel Shaw, again? – Nordic Africa News
Photo: tlcafrica.com … The death of Stephen Tolbert and the appointment of Edwin Williams as minister of finance severed Shaw’s connection …
Source: www.nanews.net
Date Published: 8/2/2021
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Eugenia A. Wordsworth-Stevenson – Wikipedia
“TLC Africa”. www.tlcafrica.com. Retrieved 2021-01-27. ^ Company, Johnson Publishing (1992-10-26). Jet. Johnson Publishing Company.
Source: en.wikipedia.org
Date Published: 1/14/2022
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Rest In Power: Notable Black Folks Who We’ve Lost In 2022
While death is inevitably a part of life, that truth doesn’t make it any easier to say … She eventually retired from acting in 2005.
Source: newsone.com
Date Published: 1/2/2021
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Liberia in 1901 |
‘Death of a Pioneer’ – 1857 → … The West African colony? … 50 years after the founders of the first African republic declared Liberia …
Source: www.liberiapastandpresent.org
Date Published: 8/3/2022
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Liberia: Former Interim President, Dr. Amos Sawyer Has Died
MONROVIA-Dr. Amos Claudius, one of the last icons of Liberia’s progressive era and former President of the Interim Government of National Unity, has died. He was 76.
He died at approximately 2:25 a.m. EST at Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, Maryland, United States.
FrontPageAfrica collected from relatives that the late Dr. Sawyer had undergone two brain surgeries in the past few years and had recovered and returned to his Caldwell residence last June. However, his health began to deteriorate again.
dr Sawyer retired from politics last October.
In a brief statement released to FrontPage Africa in Monrovia on Tuesday, October 19, 2021, Dr. Sawyer based his decision on health issues.
He pointed out that these health challenges limit the range of activities in which he can no longer be fully and productively engaged.
“I am announcing today my retirement from party politics in Liberia. I have been a member of the Liberian People’s Party since it was founded by the Movement for Justice in Africa (MOJA) in 1980 at MOJA’s Second Congress.”
dr Sawyer pointed out that despite the decision he made; He intended to continue his engagement as a senior scholar and citizen, and to work with others to maintain peace and reconciliation in Liberian society.
He stressed that he would continue to work with others to strengthen Liberia’s democracy and promote development in the nation and the region at large.
“A special thank you to everyone who has worked with me over the decades of my involvement in national political affairs as a partisan. Of course, my commitment to Liberia and the people of Africa remains unshakable,” he said.
Amos Claudius Sawyer was born in 1945 to Abel and Sarah Sawyer; His siblings include Joe Sawyer. The Sawyers were a prominent Sinoe County family of Free African American ancestry who came as colonists to what was called “Maryland in Africa,” established by the Maryland Colonization Society. The colony became independent as the Republic of Maryland before joining Liberia in 1857.
Sawyer attended local schools and graduated from Liberia College (now the University of Liberia) in 1966. Degrees in Political Science from Northwestern University in the greater Chicago, Illinois area.
After his return, Dr. Sawyer as an academic, but also became an activist and politician. He ran for mayor of the capital, Monrovia, as an independent rather than within the True Whig Party.[3] The latter had ruled the country for more than 100 years.
After the 1980 coup, Sawyer returned to academia for a time, accepting a position as professor of political science at the University of Liberia. In December 1980 he was appointed dean of the College of Social Sciences and associate director of the university.
He was a founding member of the Movement for Justice in Africa (MOJA) and founded the Liberian People’s Party in 1983. In the period following the kidnapping (and eventual assassination) of President Samuel Doe, from September 9, 1990 to November 22, 1990, principal mutineer Prince Johnson and co-conspirator Charles Taylor both made claims to the presidency. At the end of August, an emergency conference was held in The Gambia by a delegation of 35 Liberians representing seven political parties and eleven interest groups. They elected Sawyer as interim president and Bishop Roland Diggs as vice president to form a government.
In 1992, Sawyer wrote The Emergence of Autocracy in Liberia: Tragedy and Challenge, in this book he describes how dictatorial control arose out of a custom of patrimonial power, with the privileges of administration tirelessly pooled and accumulated in the possession of progressive presidents. This example of absolutism, not in itself repressive, ended in military tyranny.
Such leaders extended Sawyer’s one-year appointment by four years during the Civil War waged against rebels led primarily by Taylor, Johnson, and David Nimley. In 1994, as part of the peace process, Sawyer was forced to resign, and subsequently the role of official leader of Liberia passed to the heads of the State Council rather than the President. Fighting erupted again in 1996 and continued during Charles Taylor’s presidency from 1997 to 2003.
Sawyer returned to the United States for a period and was invited to serve as Associate Director and Research Scholar at the Workshop in Political Theory and Policy Analysis at Indiana University’s Department of Political Science in Bloomington, Indiana.
Sawyer served as chair of Liberia’s Governance Reform Commission, which was recently rebranded as the Governance Commission. His book Beyond Plunder: Toward Democratic Governance in Liberia (2005) examined the development of multi-party democracy in the country. He supported Ellen Johnson Sirleaf in the October 2005 and 2011 elections.
Liberia: Is that Emmanuel Shaw, again?
Liberia: Is that Emmanuel Shaw again? Posted by admin on Sunday May 27th, 2018 Leave a comment
Is that Emmanuel Shaw again? That was my reaction to a picture of French President Emmanuel Macron and Emmanuel Shaw standing side by side and smiling. Both looked as if they were former schoolmates meeting at a class reunion. But that wasn’t at a class reunion. It was at a reception hosted by the French President in Paris for his visiting colleague from Liberia, President George Weah; Benedict Nyankun Wisseh writes.
However, unlike other Liberian citizens, Mr. Shaw was not there to pay their respects to President Weah. Rather, Shaw was there as a member of the official Liberian delegation headed by the President. From this it can be concluded that Shaw was chosen by Weah to travel with him. Although this has not been publicly announced, one cannot wrongly conclude that Shaw is a Liberian government official. For an administration that presents itself to the world as pro-poor, perhaps Shaw’s involvement with seemingly unrestricted access to the President does not inspire confidence in the commitment to the pro-poor agenda. Why am I making this claim?
I make this claim because Shaw has a turbulent past that worries me. It should also concern other Liberians because the history of his past activities, as a public servant, contains no evidence of his concern for the oppressed majority Liberians. While others see and enter public service to serve the greater good, Shaw sees and enters to further his personal ambition of becoming a multi-millionaire. Thus, by his modus operandi, he is directed to seek friendship with members of the government who exercise the power to make and carry out final decisions. These people are usually presidents or people who have unrestricted access to the ears of presidents. His relationships with Stephen Tolbert, Samuel Doe, Charles Taylor and now George Weah show this.
Shaw became obsessed with becoming a multi-millionaire. This obsession began in the 1970s when he was a protégé and confidant of Stephen Tolbert, President Tolbert’s younger brother who served as Secretary of the Treasury. The younger Tolbert was considered a multi-millionaire, a reputation he attained only after becoming Secretary of the Treasury.
Before becoming Treasury Secretary, Stephen Tolbert was a successful businessman by Liberian standards. However, he wasn’t successful enough to be considered a multi-millionaire. As a businessman he learned and understood how the Treasury could be used by a powerful minister to build a personal lucrative business empire. His opportunity finally came when his brother rose to the presidency and appointed him Treasury Secretary in 1971.
As Minister, Stephen Tolbert already had the blueprint to use the Treasury to build a lucrative business empire and yes he did and became a multi-millionaire. After serving as Stephen Tolbert’s foot soldier and fixer, Shaw knew the template and began dreaming of perhaps becoming a millionaire in later years with Stephen Tolbert’s support as well. But Stephen Tolbert was tragically killed in a plane crash in 1975.
The death of Stephen Tolbert and the appointment of Edwin Williams as Secretary of the Treasury severed Shaw’s connection with the Treasury Department. Despite this, President Tolbert became Shaw’s benefactor. Out of respect for his late brother, President Tolbert appointed Shaw Assistant Secretary of State for Business Affairs at the Executive Mansion.
This appointment seemed to have derailed Shaw’s plan to use the Treasury Department to build and run his own lucrative business empire. From this position, Shaw saw the President every other day, if not every day, and became a trusted advisor to him. It also catapulted Shaw to national recognition, serving as a guest speaker for my high school senior in 1979 and becoming a prominent figure in the youth wing leadership of the True Whig Party.
After gaining Tolbert’s trust, Shaw began exploring how to implement his own plans. It was generally known and believed that Stephen Tolbert’s impressive business success was due to the unprecedented state-sanctioned monopoly that prevented other companies from competing fairly with his companies. But Shaw wasn’t sure the president would grant him unrestricted government business to use his late mentor’s submission to his own advantage. As Shaw pondered his next moves, Tolbert was overthrown and brutally killed in a military coup orchestrated by soldiers who selected and installed Samuel Doe as President of Liberia.
After the coup, Shaw was arrested and it seemed the sun had set on his career in government and dealing with politically powerful people. But in less than a month, and like Jason who is brought back to life in horror movies, Shaw was revived in a performance of him to Doe by George Boley, who was secretary of state for presidential affairs in the military regime.
President Doe immediately embraced Shaw and made him his economic adviser. It did not take Mr. Shaw long to conclude from his psychosocial assessment of Doe that they shared a common appreciation of wealth by whatever means it could be amassed. With his extravagant looks, which Doe admired and desired for himself, Shaw insinuated himself and gained Doe’s trust. But the confidence gained did not come from Shaw, who offered good economic policy advice to help oppressed Liberians. Rather, it came from Shaw finding and proposing ways of complex reasoning to use the Executive Mansion’s authority to acquire wealth. President Doe, no doubt impressed by Shaw’s ingenuity with corruption, appointed him Secretary of the Treasury, a position the latter had coveted since he was Stephen Tolbert’s confidant.
At the Treasury Department, Shaw did nothing to improve the economy. His main occupation there was devising elaborate criminal schemes that benefited him and Doe financially. He became the frontman for Doe and worked tenaciously on how he could create personal wealth.
In 1989, Shaw began forming insurance and oil import companies under the Liberia National Petroleum Company (LNPC) name, making the Liberian government their only client. Under the guise of this criminal partnership with Doe, Shaw tricked the government into raising the price of gas. As a result, the government stopped subsidizing the price of rice. The promulgation of this policy was fabricated, according to sources, to financially benefit Doe and Shaw from the activities of the Liberia National Petroleum Company.
After Shaw managed to make his company the exclusive supplier of oil and other petroleum products in Liberia, he was convinced he had hit the millionaire jackpot. But he was prevented from collecting the jackpot. The armed invasion of the country to oust Doe from power in 1990 forced him to flee Liberia.
However, Mr. Shaw was not done with Liberia. Before running away from Liberia, according to the South African-based newspapers The Mail & Guardian, Shaw “resigned as Treasury Secretary and then wrote a letter as if he were still Treasury Secretary obliging the government to pay his oil company millions of dollars. Mr Shaw would later use this criminally misleading allegation against Liberia in court in London, England.
In 1990, with civil war leaving Liberia without a government and people dying helplessly in the streets of starvation and bullets, Shaw ruthlessly and without a modicum of probity sued Liberia for $27 million, which he claimed the country owed him for importing oil of services provided by LNPC. The calculus of this unscrupulous man was that since there was no central government representing Liberia in court, the court was bound by law to rule in his favor by default. He brought Liberia to court in London, England.
In court papers, according to The Mail & Guardian, Shaw successfully fooled the British court into believing he was a plaintiff, along with the LNPC, in the case against Liberia, which until then in 1990 was a country caught in the graveyard of history and Hopelessness. As Shaw calculated, Liberia was not represented by anyone to defend the claims against it. Therefore, according to the newspaper, Liberia was ordered by the court to pay him and the LNPC $8.4 million, as he claimed in his lawsuit in London. To enforce the verdict, the court ordered the Liberian President’s plane to be based in London, where it had exiled Doe’s family, as security. Winning in London encouraged Shaw to push for another win to increase his jackpot earnings. This time he was looking for $20 million in New York.
In New York he filed his second lawsuit against Liberia. In the lawsuit, he sought an injunction on any assets Liberia had anywhere in America. According to West Africa magazine, Shaw is seeking $19 million in the lawsuit. However, the lawsuit turned out to be his Waterloo. Liberia, which was then run by an interim administration, was able to establish legal representation in court. In the 1991 US court case in which the plaintiff was the LNPC, the Liberian representative revealed that the LNPC was founded by Shaw when he was Secretary of the Treasury and owned 60% of the shares. He acted in both capacities and “negotiated and signed the two guarantee agreements” on which LNPC’s lawsuit for its $20 million claim against Liberia was based. Based on this claim by Liberia, Shaw’s lawsuit was dismissed and he disappeared.
However, in 1997, after Charles Taylor was elected President and Liberia gradually returned to normal, Shaw returned to Liberia. As always in the past, he managed to work his way into the inner circle of Taylor’s trusted advisers and became his economic adviser. This time Shaw didn’t have to work hard to earn Taylor’s approval. Both are extravagant, corrupt and like money, which they are willing to appropriate again and again through calculated criminal machinations. However, the life of Taylor’s government was cut short and he went into exile in Nigeria. Mr Shaw also left Liberia for South Africa, where Don Mkhwanazi, South Africa’s oil chief, according to The Mail & Guardian, hired him to advise the country’s state-owned oil company on its “restructuring and privatisation”. But that appointment was so controversial because of Shaw’s depraved character that a “three-day commission of inquiry” was convened by the country’s Department of Minerals and Energy.
The outcome of the investigation forced Shaw to leave the country for Ghana. During his stay abroad, Shaw nevertheless kept an eye on political developments in Liberia. In the 2005 general election, George Weah, a retired but politically ignorant international footballer, nearly won the presidency. This remarkable feat convinced Shaw of certainty that Weah would win the presidency in later years. As a result, according to a source, Shaw began befriending Weah in Ghana, where they spent a lot of time together. Shaw had no doubts that Weah would become president and became a secret but prominent financial benefactor to Weah’s presidential campaign. But Shaw’s financial support was no accidental act of goodwill. Rather, it was an act driven by his commitment to the principle of financial return.
As we now see with his appointment as the President’s trusted advisor, Shaw has come home to cash in on his investment.
Emmanuel Shaw has no professional service in the public interest as an economist or accountant. He makes no commitment to integrity in public service or in personal relationships. He was always guided by a selfish determination to become a millionaire any way he can. Through Stephen Tolbert, the Tolbert family took care of Shaw. The generosity of the family benefited Shaw and ensured his education and standing in society. President Tolbert made him his counselor, a position from which he saw the President on a daily basis. But after the President was brutally killed at the Executive Mansion, Shaw felt at home there with those who committed it. Just before Tolbert’s blood had a chance to dry off the Executive Mansion’s floors, Shaw walked through and found solace in the arms of those who had ended the President’s life. The commitment to personal integrity didn’t matter to him as hugging Doe represented his best opportunity to make money.
Liberia is a country where official corruption goes unpunished. When it is punished, it is done selectively to resolve political disagreements. Liberia is also currently a country recovering from more than a decade of devastating civil war. This makes it a country where reconstruction projects are needed. This means that private construction companies will be obliged to carry out all infrastructure development projects.
This atmosphere offers Shaw endless opportunities to excel at crime. As he did under Doe’s regime, his closeness to President Weah will produce one or two or even three companies that will monopolize construction projects. This is final hooray for Shaw, who is now in his 70s, and President Weah seems to be a supportive partner. If the President isn’t, why has he made Shaw, a man whose reputation has been associated with corruption and theft, his confidant? If not, why did the President appoint Shaw, a man to bring Liberia to justice when the country was on the brink of destruction? If not, why did the President appoint Shaw, notoriously known for his shady financial dealings, as his trusted adviser? If not, why did the President appoint Shaw, whose reputation has irretrievably sunk due to corruption, as his advisor? Why isn’t it Wilson Tarpeh at the Executive Mansion, whose professional resume is far better than Shaw’s and who has defended candidate Weah against many allegations in the past? The answers lie between Weah and Shaw as we wait for time to tell us.
Benedict Nyankun Wisseh, the author of this article, is known as the barroll teammate of Solomon Sipply and Joseph Sion, aka Kofi Bruce. Email: [email protected]
Eugenia A. Wordsworth-Stevenson
Liberian diplomat
Eugenia A. Wordsworth-Stevenson (died October 30, 2009) was a Liberian diplomat.[1] She was Ambassador to the United States.[2][3][4][5]
She was a sponsor of Transafrica.[6]
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